October 11, 2023

Rwanda’s YouTube Opposition

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Didas Gasana may never be invited again by exiled colleagues to take part in online discussion about the future of Rwanda. He appeared for one latest session “drunk”, couldn’t allow a former prime minister to speak, and mocked fellow panelists as being jokers.

Though he lives in Sweden, Gasana is well-known in Rwanda. On New Year’s day 2005, Gasana managed to cross into Tanzania, starting his exile, and ending a controversial journalism career in Rwanda. He had been one of the editors of the famous UMUSESO newspaper.

Today, he has earned a Master’s degree in law. In early January this year he posted this on X platform: “I, Didas Gasana, hereby declare that I will be a presidential contender in 2024 Rwanda elections”.

In the months that have followed, Gasana has made more of adversaries the people he actually needs. He has been interviewed multiple times on the popular great lakes radio channels of the BBC and VOA.

As expected, Gasana doesn’t have any kind word for incumbent President Paul Kagame. But again, Gasana has gone after exiled colleagues, some fit to be his parents. In exchange, Gasana has earned himself suspicion as opposition figures are not sure whether he really is ‘opposition’.

The list of battle antics pitting Gasana against would-be comrades-in-arms, is long.

On July 18, Jean-Claude Mulindahabi, a former state broadcaster journalist, and currently operates two YouTube channels, hosted Gasana, along with former Prime Minister Faustin Twagiramungu. The other invitee was Joseph Matata, who opted to leave Rwanda the moment the RPF took over post 1994. He operates the virulent “CLIIR” Facebook group and “CLIIR organization”. The other person on the YouTube show, as co-host, was Emmanuel Senga, former Rwanda Parliament staffer, living in the U.S.

In the nearly four-hour session, Gasana irritated the other panelists, so much so, that Twagiramungu said he was behaving childish. Gasana repeatedly demanded to speak, with Mulindahabi pleading for his patience. And when Gasana was given the stage, his thought process was incoherent, also struggling to mix French and English, yet he is a complete Anglophone. He said some things more than once.

Perhaps noticing how unruly Gasana had become, Matata stayed quiet most of the show and seemed not involved, unlike Twagiramungu who authoritatively sought to speak.

The final straw of the show was when Gasana said all President Kagame’s exiled opposition wasn’t serious in any way. He wondered how they expected to oust Kagame using YouTube from the comfort of their air conditioned living rooms. Gasana said Kagame and his RPF/A rebels managed to throw out the former regime because they were on the ground, were armed and had rear-base in a country neighboring Rwanda. On the contrary, said Gasana, the opposition has nothing, except lamenting online.

Twagiramungu’s tonne changed, perhaps taking offence, that such a young man was arrogantly challenging him. In commentary that followed the show, by social media users, most seeming to be from inside Rwanda, was that Gasana had been “drunk” from alcohol, disrespectful towards Twagiramungu, and exerted arrogant entitlement.

Social media usage in Rwanda

What happened on this YouTube show, happens nearly every day, on many different other online panel discussions. Rwanda’s so called opposition operates from North America, Europe, Australia, and a few from South Africa.

In the past five years, they operate from YouTube, Facebook and X (Twitter). The Chronicles has documented at least 15 active YouTube channels operated by individuals with identifiable profiles (known). On Facebook, there are at least 20 Facebook active groups and pages where they mobilise from. As for X, we pinpointed at least 30 accounts, most of them fake and a few real ones.

Specific data on social media use inside Rwanda puts figure at over 4 million users. Facebook is biggest platform taking 36.3% user share, X (Twitter) at 27.1%, with Instagram having 12.6%. However, though with less than 5% usage, YouTube has become a platform of choice for mobilisation by the exiles.

Some telcos in Rwanda offer free browsing for Facebook, even on some gadgets that are not fully smartphones. It explains why Facebook has the widest reach.

It suggests therefore, the YouTube channels that the exiles are operating, with daily live broadcasts, are followed mostly by the differing Rwandan diaspora blocs. Save for the ruling RPF party machinery, which needs to follow these YouTube platforms for obvious reasons, the intelligence system, and few elites, it is difficult to see how an ordinary Rwandan can spend hard-earned internet bundles on YouTube broadcasts of people thousands of miles away, who are also completely detached from their day-to-day reality.

Rwandans inside the country go to YouTube for the vibrant countless channels doing entertainment and social content, all produced locally. They go there for soaps and life stories of local stars. They go to YouTube for the latest gossip. Whether the exiles are aware of these dynamics hasn’t been of their concern. The presence of exiles on social media has boomed since at least 2019.

For non-Rwandans reading this exposé, Rwanda’s politics is complex and with many sensitivities, all of which emerged in the lead up to independence in 1962, culminating in the 1994 genocide against the Tutsi. President Paul Kagame is the dominant factor.

Overseeing over two decades of economic revival and development, internal social cohesion, and a rare political atmosphere free of the disruptive noise seen in other places, President Kagame towers over everything about Rwanda. A carefully cultivated international profile has added more spice to Brand Rwanda and Brand Kagame.

Louise Ausares Uwacu

On the other hand though, Kagame’s Rwandan critics and would-be political opponents, unable to sit at the same high-tables, have resorted to insulting each other on YouTube live, and fabricating high profile address books. Each wants to be seen to be outplaying other exiles. They accuse each other of being paid government agents. With no ground action to threaten government, the exiles engage in vulgar preview of their counterparts, and less of conciliatory messaging. They spend most of their time reacting to government actions back home, with virtually no policy alternatives.

The $20,000 bet

Three weeks ago, former Catholic priest Fr. Thomas Nahimana, based in France, disappeared for a few days. He wasn’t on his YouTube channel for about a week. When he reappeared, Nahimana claimed to have been away for various international engagements, including meeting DR Congo President Felix Tshisekedi. It was a scoop, compounded by ongoing geopolitical battle between Kigali and Kinshasa. President Tshisekedi has even publicly spoken of need for regime change in Rwanda.

Days following Nahimana’s announcement about meeting Tshisekedi, another opposition figure, Dr Charles Kambanda, a self-styled spokesman of a newly founded outfit, hit back, and really hard. Kambanda posted on Facebook that he was betting US$20,000 (about Rwf 25m) for Nahimana to provide concrete evidence of the Tshisekedi meeting.

Kambanda went on to evoke a bizarre incident from 2020 when Nahimana spread intox that President Kagame had died. For weeks, the rumour was nearly believed by many. It was perfect timing by Nahimana. The COVID-19 pandemic was at its height, with no gatherings, so Kagame wasn’t making any public appearances.

Assuming Nahimana had been informed by a “source” in Rwanda. It is very likely that person was from intelligence. It was a masterpiece in reverse psychology and PSYOPS by whoever planned it. Fearing if he went back on the claim, would mean his decimation from the political arena, Nahimana has saved face to date, repeating on his regular YouTube shows that Kagame is indeed dead.

Nahimana is a peculiar figure. Since 2016, he leads a team of people, calling themselves “Rwanda’s government in exile”. They have a cabinet, and usually hold cabinet meetings on YouTube. He recently began looking for people who were soldiers in the pre-1994 army, giving them military promotions. Among them, is genocide convict Captain Innocent Sagahutu, whom Nahimana gave promotion to Brigadier General which he received from a safe house shared with other freed genocide convicts in Niger.

Nahimana considers Rwandan FDLR militia, whose members are accused of involvement in the genocide against Tutsis, as the rightful Rwandan army. However, the FDLR doesn’t want anything to do with him, at least going by an October 9 Facebook post.

An account known for spreading FDLR info called Nahimana “rusahuriramunduru” (literally meaning who seeks to benefit from chaos). It’s a common Rwandan word, often used on individuals who do nothing, but quick to take advantage over something they were not involved in any way. The Facebook post accused Nahimana of going to Australia, where he carried FDLR photos that he used to fundraise for unnamed amount of cash from Rwandan diaspora.

“Where is the money you fraudulently collected?” asks the post. “Those dollars would have done a lot of activities on the frontline. Please disregard those Rusahuriramunduru…”

Nahimana uses crude political terms and language coded for particular audiences in and outside Rwanda. For example, Nahimana constantly uses “Abanyarwanda”, which, to a non-Rwandan, is normal political talk. Nahimana is actually playing the ethnic card.

On his YouTube broadcasts, Nahimana says his government will dismantle the “FPR Inkotanyi system”, which he claims is a return of the enslavement of Hutus that was in Rwanda up to 1959.

Nahimana calls President Kagame and key members of the political, economic and military establishment as “Abavantara” (loosely meaning foreigners). It is the same tag he uses on Dr Charles Kambanda, who incidentally doesn’t master the Kinyarwanda language, spoken by all Rwandans.

Rusesabagina Vs FDLR

The resurgence and vibrancy of exiles has largely been influenced by the Paul Rusesabagina factor. Following his arrest in August 2020 and subsequent prosecution, and the campaign that followed, the exiles hoped to capitalize on the wave. Suddenly, Rusesabagina was given presidential pardon last March. The exiles have struggled to maintain the momentum that Rusesabagina’s detention had brought them, hoping his stay in jail would have led to change of government back home. In fact, to Rwanda’s exiled political groups, they were better off when Rusesabagina was in jail.

But for the FDLR, Rusesabagina doesn’t deserve the attention he gets. In Facebook posts, and YouTube comments, that emerged after 2015, FDLR die-hards accuse Rusesabagina of being a key figure in a large internationally-backed effort to destroy the militia group.

A screenshot from a Facebook post dated August 31, 2020. This account is well-known as distributing FDLR propaganda

Party of the conspiracy goes as follows: in 2015, a large group of founding members of the FDLR broke away, forming the ‘National Council for Renewal and Democracy’ (CNRD Ubwiyunge). They then went on to form another merger with the National Liberation Front (FLN), to become CNRD/FLN, as the DR Congo-based military wing of a larger movement led by Rusesabagina and former Prime Minister Twagiramungu.

The FDLR accuse Rusesabagina and Twagiramungu of operating in cohort with Washington-based non-profit Enough Project to dismantle the militia outfit. The additional explanations given to back up this notion, is conspiracy theories at best. The same platform has accused Twagiramungu of being a double agent, serving President Kagame’s government, yet he has some of the harshest criticism of Kagame.

 Amidst all the online allegations and counter allegations, in comes the so called “Urubuga Ruharanira Ineza Rusange y’Abanyarwanda” (Platform Rwandan’s common good – PRCG) born in May this year. Advanced by Dr Kambanda and flamboyant exiled former UN envoy Eugene-Richards Gasana, the platforms claims not to be a political party, but a forum for all those opposed to Kagame.

To announce its birth, Kambanda and Gasana mobilised 12 individuals, or call them ‘political parties’. Six of them run YouTube channels. The strategy was so that when they went public about the new INEZA outfit, it would be known widely. Indeed, it worked, coupled by the group photo from their meeting in Washington.

However, Fr. Nahimana brands INEZA as clandestine operation by President Kagame’s government to dupe exiled opposition, consequently aimed at maintaining the “FPR Inkotanyi system” in place. Nahimana actually calls Kambanda and all promoting the platform as “abavantara”.

The Kambanda-Gasana outfit has another group of bitter opponents who mainly include a pretentious intelligentsia. In this category is Dr Anastase Gasana, a former foreign minister. Gasana’s Facebook posts and YouTube rants read like a script out of fiction movie. Gasana is one of the promoters of the so called “Hima Empire” theory.

The theory goes that; the Americans and British brought President Kagame and Uganda’s President Yoweri Museveni to chase away the French from the great lakes region. As part of the plan, so explains Anastase Gasana, Kagame-Museveni are to set up the Hima Empire to rule over the region and facilitate the exploitation of resources and enslavement of the Bantu tribes.

JAMBO ASBL is born

In the past 10 years, another new fringe brand of government critics has been born, operating mainly out of Belgium, Netherlands and Switzerland. It’s JAMBO ASBL. They’re young and extremely ambitious. They are actually at the center of a recent bitter fallout between the governments of Rwanda and Belgium.

They’re no more than twenty. They use the platform X as though they founded it. They are fluent in both French and English. Some of them are born from parents who are either genocide convicts of the UN court ICTR, or are widely accused by government of Rwanda and its supporters of being genocide suspects. JAMBO has officially been accused by government of Rwanda and Parliament of denying and negating the 1994 genocide against Tutsis, which they have vehemently dismissed, saying they’re human rights activists.

Key founders of JAMBO are Patrice Mbonyumutwa, Gustave Mbonyumutwa and Ruhumuza Mbonyumutwa – all grandchildren of Dominique Mbonyumutwa, who served as the interim first President of Rwanda for a period of nine months in 1961.

The other brains behind JAMBO ASBL are Placide Kayumba, Natacha Abingeneye, Liliane Bahufite and Norman Ishimwe.

A screenshot of a one of the broadcasts from “ISINIJURU TV” of Fr Nahimana Thomas. Title refers clearly to “Abavantara”, designed to be as catchy as possible

The other group active on social media, is the family of former president Juvenal Habyarimana. The son Leon Habyarimana and Jean-Luc Habyarimana are very active on social media. They are aided by grandchildren of Felicien Kabuga the billionaire alleged financier of the genocide against Tutsis. The Habyarimana and the Kabugas don’t publicly subscribe to any of the political exiled groups, perhaps still feeling important from their time in Rwanda, so expect people to adhere to them, not the other way round.

The nature of the supposed political activism that JAMBO espouse, is one that has refused to align with other exiles, and openly speak of their distaste for President Kagame, his government and the ruling “FPR Inkotanyi system”. Though not connected publicly, JAMBO has like-minded individuals, Canada-based Louise Ausares Uwacu, who runs podcast “U & I Talk Show”, that’s also syndicated via YouTube.

“amabuno yanjye” and Gasana’s rape cases

Uwacu is loud, uncompromising and will go bare-knuckle at anyone. The Dr Kambanda-Gasana “INEZA” outfit was subject of Uwacu’s tirade recently. The exchanges became so ugly that at some point Kambanda mockingly commented about Uwacu’s butt, and she responded with a poem whose language we cannot quote here. To start off the offensive, Uwacu opened one of her live YouTube sessions by standing up, apparently to give Dr Kambanda and the likes a good look at “amabuno yanjye” (my butt).

Uwacu went on to rampage about the Kambanda-Gasana misogynistic attitude, entitlement (ubwirasi), and alleging they had a history of raping women. In a rare twist, Uwacu made reference to the rape cases in which former UN envoy Gasana is accused. There is an ongoing Civil complaint against Gasana at the New York State Supreme Court, New York County. The victim Benita Uruhisho, who worked at the UN embassy during Gasana’s time, is seeking punitive damages for rape and gender-motivated violence. That case is ongoing.

Uwacu is equally virulent when it comes to the “FPR Inkotanyi system”.

Another bloc of Rwanda’s online opposition, is partly run by family of business tycoon Assinapol Rwigara who died in 2015. The family alleges he was murdered and his daughter even sought to compete against Kagame in elections in what clearly appeared to be intended to avenge her father. The main character here is Toronto-based Mugenzi Tabitha Gwiza the sister of Adeline Mukangemanyi, the widow of Rwigara.

Tabitha Gwiza joined up with U.S.-based Jean Paul Turayishimye, a former intelligence officer in Rwanda, and they both left the Rwanda National Congress (RNC) which had been founded and headed by Gen Kayumba Nyamwasa, based in South Africa.

Gwiza and Turayishimye formed ARC URUNANA. They have mobilised Achille Kamana Bagosora, son of Col Theoneste Bagosora, the man consider the “brain” behind the 1994 genocide against Tutsis. Aged 80, Bagosora died in September 2021 from a Malian prison where he was serving 35 years for genocide.

The three operate two YouTube channels, which they alternate with near-daily broadcasts involving other followers and guests. They have fake X accounts and Facebook pages.

It cannot go without the mention of the Radio ITAHUKA bloc. It’s the RNC broadcaster, which started off in 2012 with Shortwave radio broadcasting. A squeeze in the finances, amid a relentless counter campaign from Kigali, Radio ITAHUKA has remained on YouTube, with daily one to two hour broadcasts.

A review of the list of YouTube channels that The Chronicles has monitored for over a year, shows they have a combined daily-reach of up to 20,000 views. On average, for each live show on each of the channels, attracts between 1,000-1,500 views. But by the third day, a particular episode would have generate up to 30,000 views.

With a highly charged political atmosphere within the Rwandan diaspora, it is very clear that the biggest audience for these YouTube channels, Facebook content, and X, are the Rwandans outside the country. They have sufficient internet data to run YouTube, plus the time and willingness to follow broadcasts by the bloc they subscribe to.

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